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Colombia: 1. ELN (National Liberation Army): A guerrilla group founded in 1964 that operates primarily in the jungles of the northeast and southwest of the country. 2. FARC dissidents: Remnants of the former FARC that did not accept the 2016 peace agreement and remain active in jungle regions of the country. 3. Gaitanista Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (Clan del Golfo): Paramilitary and drug trafficking group with a presence in jungle and rural areas. The expansion and consolidation of illegal armed groups are the main threat to the country The expansion and consolidation of illegal armed groups are the main threat to the country The Ombudsman's Office, based on the monitoring of its Early Warning System, is concerned about the increase in the presence of the Gaitanista Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AGC-Clan del Golfo), the ELN guerrilla and the dissidents of the FARC, in addition to organized crime structures, in several regions of the Colombian geography. The AGC group was the one that expanded the most, since it went from having influence in 253 municipalities during 2022 to 392 last year. They were followed by the dissidents of the FARC (Central Staff and Second Marquetalia), looking at the comparison of the same periods, since they went from being in 230 towns to 299. For the Ombudsman, as a call to the National Government, it is appropriate that it gives preventive and proactive responses to the increase in behaviors that violate human rights, and addresses the recommendations made by its Early Warning System. Bogotá, January 23, 2024 (@DefensoriaCol). "Based on the monitoring carried out by our Early Warning System, we evidence an increase in the presence and interference of armed groups outside the law and criminal gangs in several towns in the country. This is the case of the Gaitanista Self-Defense Forces of Colombia, a group that in 2022 had a presence in 253 towns, however, today it commits crimes in 392 municipalities in 24 departments," says the Ombudsman, Carlos Camargo Assis. The National Liberation Army (ELN), in 2022 had influence in 189 municipalities, but during 2023 its presence extended to 231 of 19 departments. In the case of the Central General Staff (EMC) and the Second Marquetalia, two dissident groups of the FARC, in 230 towns in 2022, and the following year they began to have interference in 299; the first in 19 departments and the second in 15. The structures of organized crime were present in 141 municipalities two years ago, however, in 2023 their presence was expanded to 184 towns in 22 departments. The Ombudsman is also concerned that, in the face of the reality of insecurity that communities in the most remote areas are suffering, the recommendations made by its Early Warning System (SAT) are not being heeded, since out of 205 monitoring reports issued, only 1% have been able to conclude that the risk scenario has been mitigated. In 65% of cases, the scenario has tended to worsen, and in 32%, the risk scenario is still present. “We call on the entities of the National Government to respond in a preventive and proactive manner to the increase in human rights violations by illegal armed groups, and to restore, with the assistance of the Military and Police Forces, security throughout the national territory, a fundamental aspect that also contributes to the consolidation of peace,” emphasizes the Ombudsman. Camargo Assis also strongly states that peace must have clear rules: “And it must have them because in the development of a bilateral ceasefire, those who have taken up arms cannot be allowed to defraud the Colombian people and continue fighting, as has unfortunately been happening and whose main victim is the civilian population, because they have to confine themselves or move and be susceptible to the violation of their fundamental rights. The illegal armed groups are turning their guns on the national government and on the desire for peace of all Colombians. Contrary to this, what they must do is comply with what was agreed upon.” Peru: 1. Shining Path (SL): Although small, this guerrilla group maintains some active cells in the Valley of the Apurimac, Ene and Mantaro Rivers (VRAEM). Shining Path or the Militarized Communist Party is the last remnant of the guerrilla movement of the late twentieth century in Peru. Although it is in decline, it still retains influence in the Apurimac, Ene and Mantaro River Valley (VRAEM) region due to its alliance with drug trafficking. The guerrilla's main sources of income are offering drug shipment protection and escort services for drug traffickers. The government describes the VRAEM group as nothing more than a drug trafficking gang, but the situation is more complicated, and this faction continues to carry out propaganda activities and attacks against security forces in addition to drug trafficking protection services. In recent years, the group has resumed violent actions against peasants and security forces, demonstrating its resilience in the face of ongoing operations seeking to destroy its structure. Venezuela: 1. ELN and FARC dissidents: They have extended operations to the jungle regions of Venezuela, mainly in the state of Amazonas and other border areas. The National Liberation Army (ELN) is Colombia's last true insurgency and one of the most powerful criminal organizations in Latin America. With its expansion and strengthening in Venezuela in recent years, it has established itself as a binational guerrilla group. Originally, the ELN was a nationalist movement influenced by the Cuban revolution, focused on kidnapping, extortion, and attacking oil infrastructure. Although it avoided drug trafficking for decades, in recent years it has become deeply involved in international drug trafficking. Today, the ELN is made up of more than six thousand members, including networks of militiamen infiltrated in the civilian population. That force is distributed between Colombia and Venezuela, but its objectives in each country are very different. Traditionally, in Colombia the ELN has focused on confronting the State in an armed revolution and confronting other armed groups, while in Venezuela it acts more as a paramilitary force in support of the government of Nicolás Maduro. Despite its criminal interests on both sides of the border, the ELN's top commanders maintain a political agenda, participating in several rounds of negotiations with the Colombian government over the years. Brazil: 1. There are no traditional guerrilla groups, but there are criminal gangs such as the PCC (Primeiro Comando da Capital) that operate in the Amazon rainforest, controlling drug trafficking routes. The new drug routes of the Brazilian criminal group PCC reach Oceania According to exclusive information from Infobae, the traffickers have already installed two of their cells in Sydney, southeast of Australia, where they operate with a local motorcycle gang The main criminal group in Brazil, the First Capital Command (PCC), already present in the United States, Africa and Europe, has now put its hands on Oceania. According to exclusive information from Infobae, Brazilian drug traffickers have already installed two of their cells in Sydney, southeast of Australia, where they operate with a local motorcycle gang. According to reports from the Australian Federal Police (AFP), the motorcycle gangs are now controlled by the Calabrian mafia 'ndrangheta, which is also a business partner of the PCC in Brazil and also collaborates with it in Oceania. “The ‘ndrangheta are flooding Australia with drugs and rising through the ranks of Australian biker gangs. Members of the ‘ndrangheta have become so powerful here that they control some of these local biker gangs who move drugs for them or carry out acts of violence on their behalf,” reports the Australian Federal Police. In the largest operation in its history, Ironside, the AFP dismantled a criminal network of 383 people in 2021 and recovered more than 6.3 tons of drugs. But most importantly, this operation gave a clear picture of the foreign criminal networks operating in Australia. Of the 51 Italian prisoners, 14 belong to the ‘ndrangheta. The Calabrian mafia has been present in Australia since the beginning of the last century, to the point that a bloody war involving some of its families that took place in the 1920s for control of the Melbourne fruit and vegetable market is still remembered today. Since then, the Australian-made ‘ndrangheta has shown a unique feature compared to how it is presented in the rest of the world: it has been much more aggressive and violent. The Italian prosecutor Nicola Gratteri and the ‘ndrangheta expert Antonio Nicaso write in their book “La Malapianta” (“The Weed” in English) that “this unusual form is probably influenced by the hostility that the Italian community has encountered on the road to integration. It should not be forgotten that Australia has in the past welcomed the marginalised, the undesirables of British society.” Over the years, in addition to many honest workers, numerous bloodthirsty ‘ndrangheta families from Platì, Siderno and Sinopoli have also emigrated to Australia. Here they run the trade not only in cocaine, but also in methamphetamine. Their power is so great that in the 1980s they managed to kill political activist Donald Mackay and Colin Winchester, deputy head of the AFP. In 2008, when the largest ever quantity of ecstasy was seized in Melbourne's port - 15 million pills, more than 4 tonnes, along with 150kg of cocaine from Italy - police discovered that the 'ndrangheta and the powerful criminal network that had been built up in Australia over the years were behind it. They arrested Francesco Madafferi, Pasquale Barbaro, son of Domenico, one of Australia's most powerful 'ndrangheta bosses, John William Higgs, founder of the Melbourne-based "Black Uhlans" biker gang, Rob Karam, a Lebanese criminal organisation leader, and three other Italian-Australians. In Canada, there are no insurgent groups active in the jungles or remote areas similar to those present in Latin America. Armed group activity in the country is almost non-existent, and security threats relate more to domestic terrorism, isolated extremist groups, and cyber threats. In recent history, the country has seen the presence of isolated cells of groups such as the Quebec Sovereignty Movement (FLQ), active in the 1960s but now dismantled. In addition, there are low-intensity extremist groups, such as far-right militants or separatist movements, but none have a presence in the jungle or rural areas. Therefore, Canada does not have jungle insurgencies or guerrilla-like operations in Latin American countries. Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) Origin and Context: Founded in 1994, the EZLN rose to prominence following the uprising in Chiapas, Mexico, in response to the poverty, inequality, and oppression faced by indigenous peoples. The uprising occurred on January 1, 1994, coinciding with the entry into force of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), which the EZLN criticized for its adverse effects on local communities. Ideology: The Zapatistas combine elements of Marxism, anarchism, and indigenous tradition, advocating autonomy, democracy, and the rights of indigenous peoples. Their manifesto, known as the "First Zapatista Manifesto," is a statement of their goals and demands, which include social justice, respect for human rights, and direct community participation in decision-making. Structure: Unlike traditional guerrilla movements, the EZLN is organized in a decentralized and horizontal manner, with a strong focus on participatory democracy and community autonomy. The movement's most emblematic figure is Subcomandante Marcos, who became an international symbol of indigenous and social struggle. Impact and Relevance: Although the EZLN does not seek power through the seizure of the State, its struggle has influenced Mexican politics and inspired social movements around the world. Its message of resistance and autonomy has resonated in various struggles for human rights and social justice. Resources: EZLN - Wikipedia Analysis of the EZLN --- Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) Origin and Context: Founded in 1961, the FSLN emerged as a response to the dictatorship of Anastasio Somoza in Nicaragua. Inspired by the Cuban revolution, the group sought to overthrow the Somoza regime and establish a government that reflected the interests of Nicaraguans, especially the poor. Revolution and Government: The FSLN took power on July 19, 1979, overthrowing Somoza. During its rule, the FSLN implemented land reform policies and improvements in education and health, but also faced criticism for its authoritarian approach and repression of the opposition. Contras and Conflict: The 1980s were marked by armed conflict with the "Contras," a group of US-funded guerrillas who opposed the Sandinista government. The resulting civil war caused severe damage to the Nicaraguan economy and society. Reintegration and Elections: In 1990, the FSLN lost elections to the opposition coalition, but continued to be a significant political force in Nicaragua. In 2006, Daniel Ortega, the historic leader of the FSLN, was elected president again, and his government has been the subject of controversy for its authoritarian practices and corruption.
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